Lebanon invented nations that are masters at quarrelling over secondary matters. Although the Lebanese are now confronted with existential choices over what kind of country they should live in, the projected image that comes from Beirut is one of happy-go chaos, which does not bode well. Life is both very expensive and very cheap there since interminable discussions, coupled with shameful press conferences - where everyone threatens everyone else - spill over into permanent armed confrontations against a hapless population. How long will it be before the Lebanese transform their many nations into a single one?
After years of painful occupation and a series of still unresolved assassinations, Lebanon experienced an imposed war, followed by the displacement of a million of its citizens, and billions of dollars in damages to its economy. These imposed experiences came before a confused open-ended sit-in, which resolved little except to postpone the election of a lawful head of state by seven months. Ironically, the cat-and-mouse delays ended when the Al Thani ruling family dispensed legendary Qatari generosity, to restore order to the Arab scene.
Throughout, Lebanon endured. Although the most recent deliberations over a "policy platform draft", now sadly in its fourth week, confirmed that little has changed. It was telling that a few ministers insisted on resolving each and every contention before reconciliation debates started. Remarkably, the burden was on the caretaker government to rubber stamp a neat little statement, in which everything was promised to everyone. This was unbecoming of the political establishment since the Fouad Siniora government would resign immediately after a new parliament is elected next April. Consequently, little of its decisions would roll over, save for the God given right to quarrel over minutia.
To be sure, there is urgency to address ailing concerns, ranging from Hezbollah's weapons to a new defence strategy. Yet, by insisting on a statement before national reconciliation - euphemistically referred to as dialogue - both sides sidestep what is critical.
Irreconcilable disputes now dominate the political scene. Hezbollah has scored several recent victories - from its military triumph over fellow citizens in May, to the prisoner exchanges with Israel - and is not about to concede a single inch. Conversely, the March 14 coalition members are increasingly at odds with each other, some disappointed that priorities are shifting. Sa'ad Hariri, who is still the alliance's leader, is busy meeting Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani in Najaf, Iraq, perhaps on a Saudi mission to reconcile Sunnis and Shiites. In fact, neither Hariri nor any of the Arab Gulf countries wish to be part of the latest Western vision to rekindle the Sunni-Shiite schism, which will keep the region embroiled for another 300 years.
Confrontation
Lebanon probably entered a short interim phase before the next major confrontation. As last May's adversaries affixed profuse kisses on each other, one wondered whether there was enough soap to wash away the dirt left behind.
Still, life goes on, though people are dying in the Lebanese city of Tripoli because of a carefully planned switch of the fighting from the capital, not to spoil a successful summer tourist season. Beiteddine, Jbeil and Baalbeck festivals are in full swing as the pop singer Mika entices Beirutis with his magical voice. A mass wedding at the Jupiter temple, the world's oldest Roman ruins, festoons Baalbeck with happy brides and grooms. Tourists are once again enjoying the cool mountain air, although a few man-made fires were deliberately set to further enrich the wealthy. Monstrous traffic jams clog the country's narrow roads, and electricity is still rationed, while a militant receives an official state reception.
Meanwhile, dozens, perhaps hundreds, of Lebanese linger in Syrian prisons and ministers waste their time debating the impossible. Lest anyone be surprised, the real mandate of this Cabinet is to oversee the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2009, which will be held under 1960 rules, and which will probably change the political landscape. In fact, regulations that brought into power the current majority in 2005 may well give way to completely altered reforms, which could usher in a brand new majority - even if the parliament's confessional balance will be maintained.
What ails Lebanon therefore is not what this Cabinet might do, or even the moribund policy statement that will most likely be overturned in May 2009, but whether Lebanon deserves to have a real national dialogue over what matters most: Hezbollah's illegal weapons and a national defence policy.
Both have solutions even if the first is easier than the second. Hezbollah can integrate its military might within the Lebanese Armed Forces, which will legalise every single rocket, machine gun and RPG. With a little foresight, it is even possible to devise an intelligent defence policy that will finally settle on a smart option to protect Lebanon from all foes. Those who accept these two premises must not just fall back on the 1989 Taif Accord and the 2008 Doha agreement, since a faction of Lebanese no longer accept these painstakingly negotiated covenants in their totalities. Rather, they must dream of better days ahead, instead of resorting to thuggery.
Lebanon is a true democracy, which means that its political life is a mess, and that contentions never end. Unlike more established democracies, existing institutions in Beirut are deliberately kept weak, precisely to foster the power of supra-national leaders. Consequently, competent bureaucrats, who actually turn the wheels of authority, are ossified in their posts and resort to contemptible inducements. Even more capable and highly learned young men and women opt to emigrate. With many exceptions, what's left behind is secondary at best, including among the country's promising political leaders.
If the Lebanese wish to transform their many nations into a single one, they must not only be satisfied with their passports, but be obliged to invent a genuine identity to once again reach new heights. One gets there when the debate is not over minor subjects but over existential concerns like freedom and defence.
Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.
