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Only a strong
government will be able to restore stability to Lebanon and secure the
withdrawal of all foreign forces: PLO, Syrians, Israelis, Iranians and
the UNIFIL.
Total Syrian, Iranian and Palestinian armed forces withdrawal from
Lebanon is prerequisite to the strengthening of a central Lebanese
government. Bashir Gemayel categorically rejected the notion of a weak
and compromising President. For Gemayel, the concept of a strong
government was based on the following:
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A democratic,
sovereign state guaranteeing equity and security for all citizens in
all of its institutions.
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A Lebanon with a
strong and duly elected Parliament; an independent, impartial and
truthful media; a better education for all Lebanese; an honest
judicial system; and above all a strong and dedicated Lebanese Army
to maintain law and order and defend the country against foreign
aggression.
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A Lebanon that will
no longer permit private militias to exist but will make that all
foreign forces will leave its soil.
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A government that
will unite the Lebanese into one, undivided people.
A strong Lebanese
government needs a strong Lebanese Army. With a strong army, Bashir
believed, Lebanon would have no need for foreign armed presence on its
soil. the Lebanese people, Moslems and Christians, those of the South
or of the North, have demanded that only the Lebanese Army be
empowered to protect them. Such an army would not only need to be
re-equipped and strengthened through a program of military draft but
most importantly would need strong leadership within its ranks,
increased motivation and a sense of national duty. Gemayel expressed
strong confidence in the ability of the Lebanese Army, under the
proper leadership, to extend Lebanon's sovereignty over the entire
country. The Lebanese Army's main problem was not its inability to
defend Lebanon; rather, it was the lack of leadership and firm
decision by a civilian government.
As for the militias,
all of them must be dissolved either by being integrated--man and
materiel--with the Lebanese Army itself or by giving up their military
role and returning to the daily tasks of civilian life. In this
context, Gemayel repeatedly pledged that following the evacuation of
foreign forces from Lebanon and with an order from the new government,
the Lebanese Forces would cease to exist.
Since the beginning of
its existence, Lebanon had been internationally known as a democratic
state build on tolerance, equity and hospitality among its own people
and towards the foreigners who sought refuge from persecution.
Bashir Gemayel strongly
believed in the unity of Lebanon: one people, one land and one
government. In the last five years of his life, he had stressed the
need for a Lebanese national entente and reunification of the Lebanese
Moslems and Christians. he called on the Lebanese Moslems to reject
foreign occupation and be true partners in the creation of a new
Lebanon:
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"I extend my appeal
to all our Lebanese Moslems brothers in the occupied areas to assure
them and to remove from their hearts any doubts, fear, ambiguity or
effects of Syrian and Palestinian brainwashing, and to emphasize to
them that we are their natural and true allies as well as their
original partners in our common Lebanese life." (March 21, 1982)
Gemayel stressed that
the Palestinians and Syrians had driven a wedge between the Lebanese
themselves so that foreign occupation could be perpetuated
indefinitely.
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"The Syrians and the
Palestinians are imposing partition on us.... We cannot accept the
disintegration of our country.... Partition is a myth propagated by
Syrian and the PLO." (March 21, 1982)
He urged the Lebanese
Moslems to understand the truth and be convinced that their Lebanese
brothers in East Beirut were genuine allies. He urged them to free
themselves from the thinking imposed upon them by the foreigners. He
invited them to a dialogue and mutual understanding before the country
could suffer further destruction.
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"Let us march
together: You have your own circumstances which we understand and
respect. But let us be one people with a strong legitimate
government." (March 21, 1982)
Lebanon has suffered
over 100,000 casualties, over 250,000 wounded citizens and billions of
dollars in material losses. Gemayel pleaded with t he Lebanese Moslems
to help put an end to this tragedy:
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"Do not bow to
blackmail; do not believe the lies you are told. You must your
confidence in your Lebanese brothers than in the occupying
forces.... Let all the sons of Lebanon rally around the homeland....
there is no room for recriminations and trivial sensitivities. Let
us take a unified decision to free our land." (March 21,1982)
Gemayel added:
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"We assure the
Lebanese Moslems that we will fight on their side.... We are one
people and one country.... We will not exist without them." (March
21, 1982)
Gemayel believed that
once the foreigners left Lebanon and a new government assumed power,
all the Lebanese should by then have put aside their differences. the
Lebanese of the new Lebanon must not resolve their differences through
violence and force; rather through the rule of law and the political
process as provided for in a democratic constitution. He called for a
new formula to be established to provide security and respect for
every Lebanese citizen. Such a formula would be revised periodically
and reassessed to meet the needs of the people. The basic principles
of the formula are:
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The unity of Lebanon.
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Liberty, security and
justice for all Lebanese within the framework of a democratic regime
guaranteeing basic freedom as a "bill of rights".
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Strong and peaceful
relations between Lebanon and the surrounding states of the region.
(November 29, 1981)
The people of Lebanon
will still look forward to the day the can be united ad free to travel
from one end of the country to the other without being subjected to
foreign harassment and terrorism. This unity needs to be nourished by
a true Lebanese sense of nationalism and consciousness.
Between 1948 and 1968
Lebanon gave the Palestinian refugees shelter, food, jobs and
protection. The refugees lived protected by t he Lebanese laws as if
they were Lebanese, and were treated like guests with compassion and
respect. Furthermore, Lebanese scholars, businessmen, workers and
youth in and outside the country espoused their cause and
internationally defended their rights.
Soon, however, the
guests sought to reverse their role and become the masters. They armed
themselves and embarked on a political conspiracy to destabilize
Lebanon, partition it, destroy its institutions, divide its population
along confessional lines, and lastly establish a state within a state.
Bashir Gemayel drew a
clear distinction between the PLO and the civilian Palestinians in
Lebanon. He called for a dialogue with the Palestinians within the
concept of Lebanon's sovereignty which cannot tolerate any Palestinian
armed presence on its soil regardless of size and purpose.
he invited the civilian
Palestinians to remain in Lebanon as long as it is necessary without
fear of any retaliation as long as they obeyed Lebanese laws and did
not involve themselves in acts of treason against the state. Those
civilians may remain until a final solution is reached regarding their
future and status.
The PLO never respected
Lebanese laws, nor abided by precious agreements they concluded with
the Lebanese Government, namely the Cairo, Melkart and Chtaura
agreements. They have been responsible in large measure for the
political, military, social and economic destruction of Lebanon. they
have been responsible for promoting and training many of the world
terrorists. they were also responsible for the Israeli military
operation in Lebanon and the destruction of Beirut.
In the summer of 1982
Gemayel added his voice to those of all Lebanese, rejecting any
redeployment of the PLO in other Lebanese regions, namely in the North
or the Bekaa. The PLO must unconditionally leave Lebanon. Gemayel
totally rejected the concept of implanting the Palestinians in
Lebanon. Lebanon is not and will not be a substitute of Palestine.
Furthermore, he rejected any partial settlement of the
Lebanese-Palestinian problem for Lebanon's sovereignty is not
divisible.
Instead, Gemayel called
for new Palestinian-Lebanese relations to go beyond hostility to
"confidence and cooperation within the framework of Lebanese laws and
sovereignty." (August 7, 1982)
Bashir Gemayel believed
that the U.S. and Lebanon are natural allies since they enjoy a common
cultural affinity, similar ideological beliefs, free economic systems
and strong commitment to human rights and dignity.
Both the U.S. and
Lebanon believe in:
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A pluralistic society
where people of various ethnic and religious creeds can share alike
and be equally protected by the law.
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A democratic system
where the will of the majority is respected and where opposition can
be heard.
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A free enterprise
system allowing private initiative and ingenuity to develop without
the ear of nationalization or confiscation.
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A strong commitment
to a "bill of rights' provided for by the constitution and the
judicial system to protect all citizens from injustice and abuse.
Lebanon, in addition,
offered the U.S. several strategic values:
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There are three major
extensions of Soviet policy converging in Lebanon: Syria, whose army
is in Lebanon; the PLO, who live in Lebanon; and Libya, whose
largest politico-military investment is in Lebanon. This is in
addition to Soviet and East European trade, cultural and political
activities which have threatened the existence of the pro-West
Lebanon. Hence, a strong Lebanese state would blunt all this
activity.
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International
terrorism, largely exported from Lebanon, could be brought under
control for the benefit of free nations everywhere.
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The peace process
would be helped by downgrading Syria's ability to oppose it.
Defusing the volatile Lebanese flash-point would increase regional
stability and help preserve continual access to oil.
Gemayel believed in the
U.S. leadership of the Free World and he was confident that Washington
would strengthen its ties to Lebanon. the Lebanese people, he
declared, do not wish that their American friends fight their battle
and suffer casualties. However, they look to the U.S. for economic and
military aid so that they themselves may free their country.
There are about two and
one-half million Americans of Lebanese descent, some of whom have
rendered great services to the United States of America. Lebanon is
proud of them and wishes to strengthen the ties between countries
through their efforts and the efforts of the American friends of
Lebanon, since what truly lasts are the strong bonds of friendship
between the two peoples.
Since its independence,
Lebanon has been the only democracy in the Arab World where peoples of
all creeds and cultural co-existed in harmony and peace. Lebanon's
constitution provided a system that initially was much praised for its
tolerance, freedom and stability. Lebanon was the envy of the Arab
people where many sought refuge, fleeing from their own regimes and
country. But like any other system, the Lebanese system needed
periodic reexamination on its social, economic and political levels to
keep peace with modernization and the needs of the society.
Bashir Gemayel, with
his futuristic vision, rejected the perpetuation of the present
Lebanese system and institutions which had become archaic and
out-dated and instead called for a modern system.
The old Lebanon
according to Gemayel, with his futuristic vision, would be replaced by
a
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"new Lebanon free
from corruption, incompetence and traditional feudalism....The
Lebanese people shall learn to be loyal to Lebanon only and such
loyalty shall be the basis of their relations with other foreign
countries....No more Arab and non-Arab regimes will be allowed to
finance and buy the Lebanese media. However, this new Lebanon must
be created by the Moslems and Christians alike; with love, trust and
unity." (September 8, 1982)
Gemayel vehemently
opposed a one-party system. Although he himself belonged to the Kataeb
Party and believed that the raison d'être for the Kataeb is
Lebanon's independence, he strongly called for pluralism and a
multi-party system in a democratic state.
He sought a Lebanon
where justice and the rule of law prevailed and where national faith
is sustained by a healthy economy shared by all. This new Lebanon
needed a new National Pact, or better, a new social contract based on:
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Freedom and economic
planning as its base.
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Production and equal
opportunity as its approach.
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Partnership as its
style (May 1, 1982)
Gemayel declared
Lebanon would have:
"freedom without
anarchy, economic planning without government control, production
that will produce equity, justice and equal opportunity with a
partnership between the Government Management and Labor." (May 1,
1982)
Gemayel was committed
to a free economic system based on individual initiative and private
ownership.
"We want a society of
freedom. That freedom is indivisible; therefor, a free system of
government cannot co-exist with an unfree economic system.
Consequently, we declare our attachment to a free economic system as
well as to a free Lebanon." (May 1, 1982)
The government shall
"not run the economy, but only prevent abuses, bribes, monopolies,
exploitation and corruption. Merit by accountability shall be the
criteria in hiring and firing labor." For Gemayel, the workers have a
"natural right to organize themselves into syndicates and unions." It
is the duty of the Labor movement in Lebanon to "assume more
responsibility" in the socio-economic life of the country.
Furthermore, "Labor and Management should not be isolated from each
other, rather, they shall form a partnership."
The future of Lebanon
depends on its ability to remain the center of "excellence in
education." No child shall be without school and Lebanon shall be
called the technological brain of the Middle East. Gemayel sums it up
in these words:
"Every Lebanese has
the inalienable right to be equally protected under the law. He has
the right to an honorable life and the pursuit of happiness." (May
1, 1982)
Lebanon and Syria
Lebanon shall insist
upon normalization of its relations with Syria through the
establishment of diplomatic relations, Gemayel maintained.
Lebanese-Syrian relations shall be based on equality and mutual
respect.
Lebanon's differences
with Syria go back to Lebanon's independence; Syria has continuously
sought to make Lebanon a province of "Greater Syria".
Lebanon has, in the
past, been subjected to various hostile political and military actions
by Syria. Damascus has periodically closed its borders with Lebanon
causing great financial losses for Lebanon's transit business with
other Arab countries. It has refused to establish an embassy in
Lebanon, and above all persists in teaching its children that Lebanon
is a part of the Syrian homeland.
Syria helped
instigate the present war in Lebanon when Syrian forces entered
Lebanon as part of an Arab Deterrent Force, placed under the command
of the Lebanese President to help restore peace and security to the
country. Slowly, however, the Syrians turned into an occupying force
directly responsible to the leadership of Damascus. Instead of uniting
the country, the Syrians promoted partition; instead of peace, they
caused bloodshed along factional lines; instead of disarming the PLO,
they incited them to fight the Christians and to undermine the
authority of Lebanon, creating a state within a state; and instead of
protecting Lebanon from Israeli invasion, they hastened such an
invasion.
As of July 26, 1982,
the Syrian presence in Lebanon is illegal, constituting a flagrant
violation of Lebanon's sovereignty since they have been officially
asked by the Lebanese government to leave the country.
The Syrian
occupation, according to Gemayel, only serves Soviet interests. It
camouflages international communist expansion in Lebanon and the
region under the cover of Arabism.
Furthermore, Syria's
claim that it must control the Bekaa Valley because it is essential to
its security is a pretext to keep its forces in Lebanon. Such a claim
could also justify Israeli counter-claims for Israeli's security.
Gemayel declared tat Syria was not concerned with security but with
expansion and territorial gains. Under Syrian occupation, the Bekaa
would become another South Lebanon: the scene of destruction and
bloodshed. Syria's claim for security was like the Communist claim for
security in Afghanistan.
the Lebanese people
reject any Syrian presence in Lebanon. Gemayel often proclaimed that
the Lebanese people are descendents of a 6,000-year-old civilization
and do not need Syrian protection or guidance. Syrian forces must
return home and any future Syrian-Lebanese relations must e formulated
within the framework of uncompromising sovereignty of Lebanon.
Gemayel had
repeatedly invited the Syrians to a dialogue that would make Damascus
understand that Lebanon is not a Syrian puppet or province.
the Lebanese will
have no choice but to resist Syrian occupation if it continues. The
people of Lebanon refuse to be enslaved and will not die or vanish
because of Syrian terrorism.
Lastly, despite all
the suffering Syria has caused Lebanon and its population, Gemayel
invited the Syrians to start a new era of friendly and productive
relations. Lebanon, he believed, would be prepared to extend its arms
to Syria and play a role in Syria's development and modernization.
by keeping its forces
on Lebanon soil, Syria has nothing to gain, but much to lose since it
will not break the Lebanese will and yearning for freedom and
self-rule.
Lebanon and Israel
The nation-state
Israel was formed after World War II. Yet Arab policy-makers and
political and intellectual leaders never considered the existence of
the state of Israel a fact of Middle East politics. Thus they have
continued to perpetuate an unrealistic approach in their regional and
world politics.
Since 1948, Lebanon
has been the only Arab country on the border of Israel to pursue an
undeclared and unofficial peace with its new neighbor. Lebanon and
Israel legally signed an armistice treaty at the end of the
Arab-Israeli war in 1948. but no further development in official,
legal or normalized relations between the two neighboring and
independent states occurred
Bashir Gemayel held a
different view and began building a more realistic regional policy for
his country long before he was elected President of Lebanon. Contrary
to traditional Lebanese and Arab regional policy, Gemayel's policy
took into full account the existence of a strong, modern state on
Lebanon's southern border which had the distinction of being
non-Moslem with a significant non-Arab population.
To Bashir, as to
other non-Moslems and even some Moslems, Israel was a good example of
a modern, democratic state and a potential ally for those who were
working for free, democratic. western-style states in the Middle East.
Toward that end, Bashir initiated communication with the leaders of
the state of Israel. This relationship soon became systematic and
permanent. And in spite of the unequal partnership--Israel being a
strong state and Bashir Gemayel the leader of a Lebanese community
only--Bashir always made the effort to work with Israel as an equal.
He succeeded in nurturing a good relationship between an independent
and free people and an independent and free state.
After Basher's
election to the Presidency, the special relationship he developed
became more evident. he was the only leader in Lebanon and the Middle
East who could talk about and build upon the relationship between
Israel and Lebanon without prejudice. To him, Israel was a fact and
any Lebanese regional policy needed to accept Israeli's existence as a
state and consider its historical importance and weight in regional
politics. He believed that Lebanon could live in peace with Israel and
that such a peace could benefit both states and even help pave the way
for a general Middle East peace.
Gemayel saw the 1982
Israeli "Operation Peace for Galilee" as an important development for
Lebanon which would not only equilibrate Syrian influence on Lebanese
politics, but could also generate a new political dynamic, which, if
properly used, could lead to the simultaneous withdrawal of Syrian and
Israeli troops from Lebanon. By the summer of 1982, the equilibrium of
forces in Lebanon had changed and the Lebanese, he believed, finally
had the opportunity to act in their best interest and invest in that
change.
Lebanon and the Arab World
Lebanon is the gate
to the Arab World. Lebanese culture and ingenuity, in spite of its
pro-Western affinity and outlook, remains, in essence, rooted in the
Orient. there are over one million Lebanese working in the Arab World,
helping its governments and peoples to modernize through cultural,
social and economic developments. Lebanese financial institutions have
been instrumental in managing Arab funds and in financing Arab
construction and development. Furthermore, despite the war, which for
nine years has engulfed its territory and people, Lebanon remained the
Middle East's center for economic, social and cultural development and
achievement. Most of all, Lebanon continues to be the key to
stability, peace or war in the region.
Unfortunately, the
Arab countries have in the past collaborated with the Syrians to
prolong the Lebanese crisis. All Arab and non-Arab countries were
pleased to perpetuate the problems of Lebanon where the "fire of
death" was contained although it was consuming Lebanon and its people.
hence, Gemayel described the Lebanese as having been "crucified" for
the past seven years. (March 15, 1982)
Gemayel strongly
supported Arab initiatives to restore Lebanon's sovereignty. "We
believe in the Arab initiatives to be proper channels thorough which
the Lebanese crisis could be resolved." (March 15, 1982)
He joined, supported
and totally cooperated with the Arab Following-up Committee, which was
working to resolve the crisis in Lebanon in 1981-82.
"We were asked to
make due apology for mischiefs we have not committed, yet we have
accepted. We equally took initiative to make overtures towards the
Syrians and the Palestinians to bring them to cooperate with us, but
our efforts were in vain." (March 15, 1982)
The Arabs failed to
live up to their promises and help resolve the Lebanese crisis.
Gemayel firmly
believed that Lebanon has a great role to play in emancipation of the
Arab world. but Lebanon must be respected and trusted as an equal and
be free of foreign intervention, including Arab intervention. Arab
governments must understand that Lebanon is a sovereign state and has
right to reject any policy contrary to its national interests.
Gemayel warned the
Arab world not to exploit the friendship and cooperation of the
Lebanese people by attempting to settle Middle East conflicts at
Lebanon's expense. He acknowledged, however, that during his visit to
Taef, he was advised by his Saudi hosts that they understand Lebanon's
problems and position on the PLO and Syria. Saudi leaders publicly
lauded him for his leadership and vision. Gemayel insisted in his
talks that the PLO and Syrian armed presence in Lebanon is not
negotiable or open for compromise since it undermines Lebanon's
sovereignty which cannot be divided among non-Lebanese armies.
Gemayel praised the
efforts deployed by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in helping Lebanon, and he
called for stronger relations with these two countries. "The Lebanese
people," he declared, "will reserve a special friendship for the
Saudis and their Arab friends."
Conclusion
Today, years after
Bashir's assassination, Lebanon still strives for peace, Its people
still suffer from warfare, insecurity and economic strains. Lebanon
soil is still subjected to foreign occupation.
Bashir Gemayel was
one of the rare leaders who invoked popular emotions on both sides of
the scale: joy and sadness, love and hatred. But above all, he was
designing a path for Lebanon in Lebanon's best interest and leading
way.
he addressed every
Lebanese with his heart, in words they could understand. he spoke to
the Lebanese about concerns they faced every day. he spoke to foreign
leaders and countries about the inequities of the daily life of the
Lebanese people under a foreign yoke.
He was first of all
human being; he understood human sufferings as only one who suffered
himself can understand. He was able to lead his people and relate to
other leaders as equals. he raised Lebanon from a forgotten, dying
country to a dynamic, hopeful and eager state.
Lebanon was in search
of such a leader. Bashir became one long before his election as
President, the center of gravity in Lebanese politics. He had become
the real hope of the future generations.
History alone will
judge what Bashir Gemayel achieved for his country. But for the young
generation--the war generation and the generations to come--he proved
that the nation which produce a Bashir Gemayel was still a viable
nation.
From his life, we all
learned. Form his experience, Lebanon will benefit for decades to
come. For those who worked with him, died with him or achieved both
great and small with him, the road is still long, full of hardships,
emotion and things still to be achieved. A great deal remains to be
done to raise Lebanon from its ashes. No effort should be spared. For
those who did not have the chance to meet him, he will remain a myth,
a strong personality, bound to the history of his country. For those
who knew him, he is an inspiration. And it is sometimes good to regain
strength from the legends of one's history.
In these difficult
days, we are in need of the legend. We need to renew the dream. We can
only hope that, in time, this dream will come true.
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