It is proposed to examine and summarize the various stages of human rights abuses and violations resulting in political oppression in Lebanon. Such emasculation and oppression was essentially conducted against the Lebanese Forces in an attempt to exert greater control over the population in general and the Christian opposition in particular.

Prologue

At the beginning of the war in Lebanon, The Lebanese government, failing to assume its role and protect its own citizens, obliged all the communities within Lebanon to resort to military and social self-organization in order to ensure their survival.

The Lebanese Forces were born.

Years passed, and responsibilities that were entrusted to the Lebanese Forces increased and changed constantly. The Lebanese Forces assumed the duty of defending the independence and the sovereignty of Lebanon and supporting its legal institutions. They worked to safeguard the security and freedom of the Christians and developed into a popular resistance movement, a professional army, a political party and a multitude of institutions dealing with the various aspects of daily life and providing vital services in the domains of health, education, housing and transport. In essence it dealt with services supporting and assisting the community.

In 1989, the Lebanese Forces took part in the political process of dialogue that aimed to achieve a peaceful outcome to the Lebanese crisis.

It is in this context that the Lebanese Forces decided to dissolve its armed branch, to demilitarize and to dedicate itself to the political process. By these actions the Lebanese Forces transformed itself into a political party.

THE ROAD TO CALVARY

The document of National Reconciliation signed at Taef in 1989 was supported by regional and international powers. It marked a new beginning in the history of Lebanon, an era of national understanding and dialogue between Lebanese; a new life experience built on a renewed basis and foundation. It meant the dissolution of all militias (Lebanese and foreign); the formation of a government of reconciliation and national entente; proclamation of a general amnesty; the holding of democratic elections as well as ministerial, administrative, judicial and other reforms. The philosophy at the core of this compromise comprised an equation made up of two elements:

Political reforms: to redefine the institutional balance by largely reducing the prerogatives of the president of the republic, while assigning the executive power to the Council of ministers. Increased powers were to be given to the House of Deputies, especially to the Speaker (These were meant to be Christian compromises).

Withdrawal of all foreign armed forces (this was meant to be a Muslim compromise).

But in practice it is Syria who is the military and political watchdog of this process. The application of the agreement was selective and built largely around the interests of Syria and its allies who regarded themselves as the winners while they imposed on the Christians the status of losers. On the military level, Syria has 35 000 regular soldiers? in Lebanon not counting the intelligence personnel. Politically, the Syrian President Hafez Assad initially assigned the Lebanese file to his deputy, Mr. Abdelhalim Khaddam who arbitrated and managed even the most basic detail within the Lebanese ruling system; Today his son, Mr. Bachar El Assad is in charge of the portfolio. To “legitimize” this “hegemony”, the Treaty of Fraternity, Cooperation and Coordination was signed between Lebanon and Syria on May 22,1994, an arrangement which marked the submission of the former to the latter. As a result, reconciliation and national accord never were fulfilled. Numerous reasons can be presented, among them:

The Lebanese Forces disarmed voluntarily while other militias such as the Palestinians, the PKK and Hezbollah remain armed.

Other Moslem and pro--Syrian militias proceeded to hide their arms with the complicity - passive or active - of the authorities.

Meanwhile foreign armies and groups did not withdraw or re-deploy as agreed; The withdrawal of the Syrian army into the Bekaa valley within two years of signing the Accord did not materialize, on the contrary, the Syrian army extended its presence to new regions and to the heartland of the Christian community.

The application of the general amnesty law was selective and biased in order to find a pretext to weaken the Christian opposition, especially the Lebanese Forces. The Judiciary was used as an instrument of revenge and the LF were made to appear as the only cause and instrument of all the atrocities of the war in Lebanon.

Furthermore, it is significant to note the government’s naturalization decree by which it awarded Lebanese nationality to 350.000 foreigners, mainly Muslim Syrians. Noting that the Lebanese population does not exceed 3,500,000 inhabitants and that the country was convalescing from the civil war, and considering that in Lebanon power rests on a very delicate demographic and confessional balance, such a Decree had vast implications for the country. Indeed, voting trends of these “ New Lebanese” played a decisive role in electing pro-government candidates in the legislative elections in 1992 and 1996, boycotted by the Christians.

Moreover, the authorities still refuse to recognize the civic rights of Lebanese expatriates (who are mostly Christians).

In the same way, 27.000 Palestinians and 12.000 nomads benefited from the government’s “generosity” in the domain of naturalization.

Whilst the majority of the displaced Christians have not been allowed to return to their homes, illegal occupants of properties benefit from the unending generosity of the State’s Treasury, under the pretext of facilitating the eviction of occupied properties.

The regime did not spare anyone in its drive against the Lebanese Forces. Media, civil sector institutions, health, educational centers and other services were targeted. The government applied political, financial and other pressures in its aim to shut these institutions or to control them. The Following are a few examples:

Saint Anthony School: School Principal, Mrs. Izys Daher was forced to resign.

LBC TV: 29 people were abused and intimidated without any apparent reason other than their support for the Lebanese Forces. Their colleagues at Radio Free Lebanon and the weekly AL-Massira were given a list of political subjects that should not be discussed or raised at their media outlets.

SLIAS Press, Medical Services Mutual Insurance, were closed and then re-opened under strict control

Auxilia President Dr Elie Choueifati was arrested several times and interrogated regarding the association activities and his contacts with other local and foreign associations. He was also questioned about sources of finance and about beneficiary families.

Several permanent and local associations were forcibly closed. Two of their personnel, Roula Tawil and Said Akhras, were interrogated.

THE STUDENT ORGANIZATION:

The head of this organization, Salman Samaha, was asked several times to supply interrogators with information regarding the structure and activities of this academic body. They ordered him to stop all activities. Several members of the organization were either arrested or interrogated, including Clovis Choueifati, Antoine Saad, Pascal Haddad, Antoine Abi Najm and Elias Asmar.

DEFENSE LAWYERS:

Several lawyers close to the Lebanese Forces were interrogated including Hanna Habchi, Rita Mallat, Jean Chidiac and Abboud Bayeh. Others were subjected to indirect pressures whilst their careers were threatened (offices, clients, files). The right to rally and demonstrate is not recognized by the authorities. A government decree has outlawed such right but in practice, it is still enforced upon the Christian opposition.

Large numbers of the opposition who were amongst the huge crowds welcoming Pope John Paul II were detained and tortured for daring to use the opportunity of the Pope’s historic visit to Lebanon and express before him the lack for justice, freedom and democracy.

Every incident is a “good pretext” for the Regime to initiate with mass arrests of Christians. For example, the vast campaign that followed the attack on a Syrian mini bus at Tabarja on 18 December 1996: Dozens of youth from various factions of the Christian opposition were arrested and tortured, including the following from the Lebanese Forces: Michel Taouk, Mansour Taouk, Charbel Mattar, Elie Keyrouz, Fadi El-Chamati, Riad Semaan, Charbel Abi Akl, Michel Keyrouz, Antoine Abou Jaoude, Fouad Abou Mosleh, Elie Hadchiti, Sami Rahme, Antoine Bared, Pierre Dagher, Charbel Nakad, Roland Taouk, Atef Eid, Joseph Khater, Pierre El-Kozah, Jean Akouri, Pier Jabbour, Nader Nader, Georges El Alam, Rony Haddad, Aghnatios El Alam, Nabil Abou Nasr, Georges Rahme, Walid Sleimane, Georges Taouk, Tony Rahme, Jean Khoury, Charbel Boulos, Francois Abi Tayeh and Georges Fayad...

The Maronite Patriarch, Cardinal Sfeir expressed his indignation at what he described as “Night Visitors”. He denounced these pursuits and said that “ such acts give the Lebanese the impression that they are not welcome in their own country...and at a time where human rights are respected in many countries, our society remains divided with a winner and a loser, and with an oppressed and an oppressor”.

Even Mrs. Sethrida Geagea, the wife of Dr Samir Geagea, was not spared. Her house is under constant surveillance and the access to it is blocked by a checkpoint that intentionally intimidates visitors and asks them to reveal their identities leaving them vulnerable to future interrogation, persecution and torture.

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE LEBANESE FORCES

In 1992, the regime’s campaign against the Lebanese Forces accelerated. The persecution of the Lebanese Forces became more? aggressive and systematic. The targeting became concerted. The Lebanese Forces were leading the opposition. Dr. Samir Geagea refused to take part in a totally unbalanced, corrupt and unpatriotic government. His refusal of a ministerial portfolio was a sign of his disapproval of the regime’s complete retreat from implementing the principles of national reconciliation and Democratic process.

Dr. Samir Geagea continued, from his position and despite the enormous threats and pressures against him - to reiterate the spirit of the Agreement and ask that those principles be applied in all domains, especially in regard to sovereignty, national equilibrium, political rights and individual freedoms....

In his drive to transform the Lebanese Forces into a political party, Dr Geagea devised a new method built on four main strategies:

- The creation of the “Academic Institute for Political Sciences” aiming to provide future leaders of the Party with adequate experience in the areas of politics, history, sociology, human rights and public relations.

- The institution of experts committees assigned to review and examine the political Manifesto of the Lebanese Forces.

- The elaboration of pertinent regulations and restructuring programs to enable the Lebanese Forces transition into political activity.

-The establishment of local structures (regions, districts, and cells) in order to increase efficiency, cohesiveness and communication.

Such a political organization created a swift reaction from the Regime in Lebanon.

To terrorize and subjugate the Lebanese Forces, the regime and its allies sent messages written in blood:

Four Lebanese Forces officials were murdered: they were Elie Daou (Kfarchima), Sami Abou Jaoude (Jal El Dib), Nadim Abdennour (Achrafieh) and Sleiman Akiki (Kfardhebian).

In September 1992, Boutros Khawand, was kidnapped from his home in broad daylight at Sin El Fil and his fate remains unknown until today. The disappearance of Khawand has been reported by several international human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch wrote the following: “Khawand disappeared on September 15, 1992 when he was 500 meters away from his home at Sin El Fil and in an area controlled by the Syrian army...Mr. Khawand’s car was intercepted by an armed group of 24 men dressed in civilian clothes but wearing military boots; the group arrived in three cars including a BMW and a red colored mini bus”.

Amnesty International reported in January 1999 that a former Lebanese detainee told Khawand’s family of his presence in the Syrian prison of Adra.

From 1992 until 1994, many Lebanese Forces members and supporters were subjected to violent assaults, harassment and repetitive detention.

To increase the pressure, Gunshots and explosive projectiles were fired at LF meetings followed by massive arrests (illegal and unjustified) carried out by the Regime; an example: the mass arrest of forty students at Achrafieh.

On 25 July 1992, the army surrounded and encircled the Headquarters of the Lebanese Forces at Al karantina. This maneuver was contrary to the provisions of the Taef Agreement, which guaranteed the security of the LF Headquarters. The following day Dr. Geagea and all LF personnel were forced to leave and establish their political head office at Ghadras outside Beirut

THE ASSAULT ON THE CHURCH

On February 27, 1994 during the celebration of Mass at Our Lady of Deliverance Church at Zouk Mikhael an explosion went off. Ten people were killed and several others were injured. The great shock plunged the Christians of Lebanon into absolute disarray.

The following day, Dr. Geagea held a press conference where he voiced his utter disgust for ignoring the rights of citizens to security despite 90,000 Lebanese security personnel and asked the authorities to shoulder their responsibilities and duties.

From then on, an immediate campaign was orchestrated by the Regime in an attempt to attribute this horrible crime to the Lebanese Forces.

On March 10, the army surrounded the new Headquarters of the Lebanese Forces and barred access to journalists and visitors (individuals and groups).

On March 23, the cabinet met in an “emergency session” and decreed the following:

Dissolve the Lebanese Forces Party and dispossess it from all its assets (which were immediately seized and confiscated by the army).

Ban all political programs and news bulletins on all private Audio-Visual Media.

Clearly all these decisions had no legal or judicial basis, and it was evident that the Lebanese Authorities short-circuited all avenues of legal procedures (investigation, interrogation, judgment and decision).

Some hours later, Fouad Malek, ex-chief of Staff and president of the executive committee of the party was arrested and detained at The Ministry of Defense. It is within this notorious place of Torture that thousands of Lebanese Forces members were illegally held in the last few years. In one small cell in the 3^rd basement level, and without access to sunlight or fresh air, Dr. Geagea has been detained in solitary confinement since 21 April 1994.

After the so called “trial” of the Church bombing and the day after Dr. Geagea was cleared of direct participation in the massacre (apparently due to “doubt” but in reality because the main witness retracted all his statements stating repeatedly that they were extracted under torture and duress), the editor of L’Orient Le Jour (a local French language newspaper) wrote:

“Since the beginning, public opinion could not be deceived and perceived the church explosion as a shameless act for political purposes but people were powerless in the face of this grinding machine. In such a Republic- the product of fifteen years of fratricidal war, misfortunes, sufferings and sacrifices coupled with great expectations for Lebanon, Dr. Geagea became a “nuisance” and never resigned himself to remain quiet. He was perceived as a menace within a subjugated and homogenized political class that united in its obedience. Had he accepted the ministry portfolio, the situation would have been very different. More scandalous and significant, was the offer by a top official who approached Dr. Geagea and his family with a proposal that he should leave the country as the trap was closing around him”.

The following chapters will highlight the different methods and scenarios used by the Regime in order to effect political revenge. Please note the following background:

The assault on the Zouk Mikhael church was aimed at forcing Pope John Paul II to abort his planned visit to Lebanon in 1994; this succeeded into postponing the visit for three years.

The basement at the ministry of Defense had never been established as an official or legal detention center. Faced with this flagrant miscarriage of Justice, the Minister of Defense took a decision and “legalized” the ministry’s prison several months after Dr. Geagea and LF members were tortured and imprisoned there.

Dr. Geagea refused many offers and “advice” by Government officials to leave the country “as long as the opportunity is available to him ”.

These top officials included the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior Mr. Michael Murr, And also Mr. Elias Herawi, president of the Republic. Responding to a journalist he said: “What do you want me to do...he is refusing to leave and he also refused all ministerial positions that were offered to him… I cannot do anything for him anymore”.