Maronite Society at
the End of the XVI Century
published by www.mari.org
By Abbot Paul Naaman
Vice President for International
Relations, professor of history at the Holy Spirit University-Kaslik,
Lebanon, and Former Superior General of the Lebanese Maronite Order.
I. INTRODUCTION
This study is aimed at analyzing
the history of the Maronites relative to one of their most critical
periods, between the Mamluk domination (1252 A.D.) and the Ottoman
rule (1516 A.D.).
Under Mamluk domination, which
extended from the second half of the XIII century until the
beginning of the XVI century, the Maronites became the target of all
kinds of adversity. Maronite regions were completely devastated and
a good number of them migrated to Cyprus where the Crusaders were
still in control.
Before the advent of Ottoman reign,
however, and after a period of retreat, recuperation and reflection,
the Maronites succeeded in regenerating their energies. This led
them into an epoch of spiritual and cultural development, in which
they quickly advanced on all levels: in demographic growth, in
scientific and technical evolution and in economic and social
progress.
Consequently, having attained a
high degree of maturity, the Maronites were able to contribute
greatly, not only to the formation of their own community, but also
to the identity of Lebanon and its consolidation as a state. Thus
was born what was called the "Maronite Nation," a nation founded on
the principles of knowledge and action, on liberty and justice, on
authenticity and openness, on spiritual life and respect for
others.
In fact, by the time of the Ottoman
occupation of Lebanon in 1516, the Maronites were ready for a new
era of renewal. The difference between this period and the preceding
centuries was great. It can be considered the age of renaissance of
the Maronite Nation and ushered in its rapid development.
From then on, the Maronites were
able to move about more freely and became more open in their
relations. They effectively began to acquire the true
characteristics of the Maronite Nation in the XVI and XVIII
centuries and were functioning as a well-organized society headed
toward realizing its aims of excellence and prosperity.
Evidence of this evolution can be
found in a number of historical documents. For our study, we focus
on only two writings which contain particularly important
information. Both date to the XVI century and were written by two
separate emissaries sent by the Apostolic See to inquire about the
state of the Maronites during that period.
The first document, which is one of
the earliest reports on the Maronites and was written in Italian,
was presented to Pope Gregory XIII in 1579 by Father Jean-Baptiste
Eliano of the Society of Jesus. This document is a firsthand account
describing the situation of the Maronites, as perceived by an actual
eye-witness. (Anaissi: 1921: 56-61 and Kuri: 1989: 180-187)
The Maronites, however, reacted
negatively to this report, noting that to a certain extent, it did
not faithfully express the complete truth about their spiritual
status. Their subsequent complaints before the Holy See provoked the
dispatching of a second delegation, headed by Father Jérôme Dandini.
Like the first document, the second
one was written in Italian and was presented by Dandini to Pope
Clément VIII in 1596. The Maronites of that time judged that this
second report more faithfully reflected the reality of their
spiritual situation.
The reservation of the Maronites
over the first report, as Dandini later stated, is justified by the
fact that its author, Eliano, attributed to Patriarch Michel Rizzi
(1567-1581) words that he did not utter. (Feghali 1962: 51)
Moreover, Eliano's report included liturgical and theological errors
he pretended to have taken out of books he found in certain
parishes, although the Maronites had long before taken these books
out of circulation.
Our study is based principally on
the first report, which is divided into three parts. Part One is an
introduction, in which the author tries to define the Maronite
community of the XVI century, while Part Two and Three deal with the
Maronite community's spiritual and civil organizations. These three
parts serve as a plan for our discourse.
Meanwhile, our comparison with the
second report, as well as with other documents and writings, will
serve to give a more exact and precise image of the organization of
Maronite society at the end of the XVI and the beginning of the XVII
centuries.
II. DEFINITION
Eliano wrote: "These people the
Maronites … almost all of them live in the towns of Mount Lebanon
above Tripoli and Beirut in an area facing the Occident…. Some of
their families reside in Damascus, Aleppo, Tripoli and the Island of
Cyprus. All together they do not exceed approximately forty thousand
strong". (Anaissi, 1921: 56)
Three elements in this definition
prompt our comment: the people or the community, the country or the
place of their habitation , and their demographic number.
The People
Eliano wrote that the Maronites
form a people. This means that, even in the harsh and difficult
circumstances of their most oppressive period, almost to their
quasi-extinction, the Maronites were considered a people, united and
interdependent as an organized society and not simply dispersed
individuals. They had their own areas, their towns and villages,
their liturgy, their prayers, their behavior and traditions, their
own costumes, their way of life, their scholars and books, their
army and their internal and external relations.
Dandini talks only of the Maronite
Nation. In his address to the Pope for example, he begins "I, whom
you have honored by sending him last year (1595) as a delegate to
Mount Lebanon, to examine the situation of the Maronite Nation…."
Later, he implores the Holy Father to take the
Maronite Nation under his
protection and calls his attention to the importance and necessity
of the Apostolic See's relations with the East through these
Catholic people as intermediaries.
In a positive response to his
proposition, the Pope confirmed Dandini in his mission as ambassador
to the Maronites and expressed his satisfaction and happiness toward
the Maronite Nation by nominating his nephew as their protector in
Rome. (Dandini 1921: 231, 234)
The Country
This People-Nation was an organized
entity even in its most detailed geographic moves and extensions. It
had its permanent places of residence, most of the time fortified by
nature, where it could savor its religious and national life, in
full freedom and tranquility and without constraints or humiliation
.
This People had its mobile
emissaries, who moved everywhere in search of subsistence and work,
but who always remembered the villages of their origin, where the
large number of their brothers resided and where they could return
during times of challenge or misery.
According to Dandini's report, as
well as the writings of Ibn Al-Kela'i and other contemporary
historians, the majority of the Maronite people inhabited towns and
villages in Mount Lebanon, dominating Tripoli and Beirut and facing
the West. Specifically, this means the regions of Ehden-Al-Zawiya,
Jubbat Bsharri-Bilad Al-Batroun, and Jubbat Al-Mnaïtra-Bilad Jbeil
to Nahr Ibrahim. These contiguous or neighboring regions formed a
strategic triangle, which guaranteed the security of the Maronites
and constituted the principal center of their religious and national
lives. It was within this triangle that the Maronites joined their
brothers in faith. With the Islamic conquest of the VII century,
there began an influx of Maronites arriving in successive waves to
live in Lebanon. This influx subsided after the destruction of their
principal center -- Saint Maron's convent on the Orontes River in
the region of Apamea in Syria Seconda -- in the middle of the X
century.
Beyond this strategic residential
triangle, many other Maronite families settled in diverse
neighboring areas:
- On the Island of Cyprus, since
the VIII century but increasingly after the retreat of the
Crusaders in 1291.
- South of Nahr Ibrahim, after the
dispersion of the Shiites by the Mamluks in 1305.
- In the region of the Shouf,
after Prince Fakhreddin inherited the Emirate (princedom) of his
father Korkomaz in 1584.
- In the Metn, the Gharb and the
Jurd, once these regions were entrusted to Fakhreddin in 1591 and
the 'Assaf Emirate was abolished in Kesrouan and replaced by the
Banou-Saïfa. Like their predecessors, the Banou-Saïfa favored the
Shiites at the expense of the Maronites, especially the Hamadeh
tribe in Jubbat Al-Mnaïtra, Kesrouan and Jubbat Bsherri.
- With Fakhreddin in Sidon in
1592, in the Bekaa and Beirut in 1594.
- In the Kesrouan again, when
Fakhreddin reigned anew in 1605.
- In Safa, Damascus and other
regions, everywhere were Fakhreddin reigned, his friends the
Maronites resided for reasons which we will analyze in the body of
this study.
Demography
It is difficult to determine with
precision the number of Maronites during this epoch, even if Eliano
pretended they did not surpass forty thousand. Without doubt, Eliano
faced major difficulties in arriving at this figure, especially
keeping in mind the impossibility of making a population census
At that time and particularly in
view of the continued dispersion of the Christians. It may be that
Eliano was inspired by a source that was available to him -- the
book of the Crusader historian Guillaume of Tyre (+1183), in which
the same figure was given without conducting a census or checking
with reliable sources.
However, in a letter addressed to
the Emperor Charles Quint in 1528, the Patriarch Moussa Al-'Akkari
wrote "The Maronites possess 40,000 archers, well trained and all
disposed to be put in your service". (Daou 1981: 180) Obviously, it
is not possible that the total number of Maronites could be 40,000
in 1578, while in 1527 the number of the archers alone was 40,000.
On the other hand, in his letter to
Pope Gregoire XIII, the Patriarch Michel Rizzi (1567-1581) recorded
that "the Maronites of Lebanon inhabit approximately 200 villages
and towns." It is evident that the Maronites avoided establishing
small villages and preferred to live in dense concentrations to
escape the raids and be able to more easily defend themselves. We
have actual evidence of these compact and adjoining clusters as in
Zghorta, Bsharri, Hadcheet, Beka'-Kafra, Tannourine, 'Akoura and
others. (Feghali 1962: 36)
Moreover, we can cite the testimony
of Katchiamari, who wrote in 1605 to Ferdinand I the Prince of
Tuscany, that Emir Fakhreddin when "organizing a crusade to the Holy
Land, he can count on 20,000 Christian from the mountain," i.e. the
Maronites. (Karali 1935: 70)
The traveler Domingo Magri relates
that, in 1624, the Emir had increased his principality due to his
cooperation with the Maronites. In fact, there were 20,000 Maronites
in his ranks and the majority of the Emir's chieftains were
recruited from among them. (Karali, 1935: 38 and Daou 1981: 220)
Let us assume that the 40,000
number of archers claimed by Patriarch Moussa Al-'Akkari is
exaggerated, and if we take the number to be 20,000 men as stated by
other historians, we could conclude the total number of Maronites as
150,000. We arrive at this number by a simple deductive operation.
If the normal proportion of mobilizing citizens was 13 percent
during that era, the number necessary to mobilize 20,000 would be
150,000 persons.
It should be noted that the number
20,000 only concerns the Maronite villages and towns of the
strategic triangle, i.e., the region of Ehden-Al-Zawiya, Jubbat
Bsharri-Bilad Al-Batroun, Jubbat Al-Mnaïtra-Bilad Jbeil to Nahr
Ibrahim. Outside this region, the mobilization of Christians would
have been difficult and dangerous, since those who lived in Muslim
areas were often obliged to live in disguise. Often, they would wear
the white turban of the Muslims. They would sometimes deny belonging
to the Christian religion. This was done to such an extent that they
were called "The White Maronites" or even "The Maronites of cotton
and linen," to signify that they were Christians and Muslims at the
same time, as noted by Eliano himself at the end of his report. (Daou
1981: 166)
III. THE MARONITE SPIRITUAL
ORGANIZATION
Under this title, Eliano insists on
three points that he considered important: the religious
hierarchical organization, the relations with the Holy See, and
faith and liturgy.
The Religious Hierarchical
Organization
Eliano wrote: "These people, have a
chief 'in spiritualibus', he has the title of Patriarch of Antioch.
He has under his order six archbishops and a few bishops, although
without titles, poor and ignorant, they are called by hierarchy to
the prelature. Knowing that in Syria all the ecclesiastic dignities
are in the hands of the monks of Saint Anthony, like they are in
Greece in the hands of the monks of Saint Basile…, the Patriarch,
who is chosen from among these monks, governs his people through the
intermediary of secular priests who are allied by the bond of
marriage like the Greeks." (Anaissi 1921: 65)
As attested later by Dandini in his
report and by Patriarch Estephane Ad-Douaihy in his history of the
Maronites, Eliano confirms in his text that the religious
organization of the Maronites is monastic and hermetic in character,
which perfectly matches their origins.
It is certain that, since its
appearance , Maronite society was distinguished from other Christian
societies by its organization as a community, which was formed
around Saint Maron's Monastery on the Orontes River. This group of
Syriac people committed itself to live the faith of the monastery,
which following the Council of Chalcedon was founded in 452 with the
objective of defending the Council's positions. It was thus natural
that the Maronite society would derive from the monastery its
spirituality, organization and discipline.
Living under monastic influence and
organization, the Maronite community formed "One Grand Monastery,"
where the Patriarch was the superior. Like Dandini said, "to him
[the Patriarch] alone is given the right to organize the spiritual
life of the community…. He is the summit of the pyramid and from him
proceeds all authority in the Maronite Church." (Dandini 1665:
53-54)
During that period, the Patriarch
was elected by the synod of bishops and notables, and the clergy and
the people ratified his election according to ancient tradition. As
soon as he was elected, he became the Superior General of this "One
Grand Monastery."
The archbishops and bishops who
aided the Patriarch in the administration of the parishes, were
chosen from among the monks, because they take the vow chastity and
are not married. However, according to Dandini, "there was found
among them a married bishop, he was imprisoned in a convent to live
with the monks and was prohibited from eating meat and from drinking
wine." (Dandini 1656: 53)
As for the difference between the
archbishops and the bishops, it had to do only with their
jurisdictions. Dandini wrote that the word bishop was applied in the
Maronite Church to two categories of persons. The first category
included those charged with the administration of the monasteries
without having pastoral duties. They did not have the right to wear
the bishop's garb and distinctive emblems. They wore simple
religious habits but were distinguished by wearing the miter and the
cross during official celebrations. Toward the end of the XVI
century, these bishops numbered six. As for the second category, it
was formed of bishops who effectively assumed pastoral duties and
managed the affairs the church. These bishops wore under their
ordinary robes purple cassocks that reached the floor. They also
wore a grand blue turban over their monastic cowl. (Dandini 1656:
54)
Since it was impossible for the
Patriarch to visit distant parishes, he chose three bishops to
assist him who also resided with him. One of the three was in charge
of the temporal administration of the Patriarchal See of Qannoubine,
whose duties essentially consisted of collecting the dues, the
license fees and the harvest. The other two assistant bishops were
charged with pastoral visits to the dioceses. In addition to these
three bishops, three others were appointed for similar duties
overseas and enjoyed full authority. The first resided in Damascus,
the second in Aleppo and the third on the Island of Cyprus.
As for the other priests, the
servants of the people, the Patriarch directly controlled their
nomination. They had the right to marry before being ordained as
priests. It was even more than a right; it was an obligation, for
the people held single priests in suspicion. As for the deacons and
sub-deacons, they didn't differ from the people except by their
little white turbans.
The people closely followed this
pyramidal organization. All the believers, without distinction of
condition or social statue, enjoyed the right to confirm and ratify
the ordination of the Patriarch and the bishops and to supervise the
monks and the priests. All, young and old, met in the church at
least two times a day, morning and evening, to pray, read the Bible,
the Old Testament and the lives of Saints or to hear the sermon or
participate in the liturgy. The multiplication of churches in
villages and towns can only be explained by the extensive
participation of people in religious life. We count, for example,
more than thirty churches in the towns of 'Akoura, Tannourine,
Bsharri and Ehden. There are even more than five churches in certain
farms and hamlets. (Daou 1981: 188)
This hierarchical organization was
not limited to the spiritual and liturgical domains, but extended
also to the different important and decisive spheres of Maronite
life. The Patriarch formed the summit of the pyramid. From him
emanated all the authority necessary for the direction of spiritual
and temporal affairs. To comprehend this cumulative authority, one
must be reminded of the fundamental Maronite truth: the Maronites
can not live and blossom but in light of one Kingdom – that of
Heaven.
During the Ottoman Empire, the
Sublime Porte appointed local governors known as the Moqaddam (and
charged them with collecting taxes imposed by the Empire. In 1377,
the Mamlukes captured Patriarch Jibrail Hjoula and burned him in
Tripoli. This incident weakened the authority of the Patriarch and
consequently that of the Maronite community. Ergo, in 1382 the new
Maronite Moqaddam Ya'qub requested that the Patriarch recognizes his
authority. (Salibi 1973: 20) What in fact took place is that the
Patriarch ordained him Deacon of the Church and asked him to manage
the temporal affairs of the community.
However, when one of the temporal
leaders become disobedient, the Maronite people stayed on the
lookout for him, like the time when Moqaddam 'Abdel-Men'em in 1488
called to his aid the Muslims of the Danniyeh. Once they arrived
near Ehden, in the Hmeina Pass, the village inhabitants charged
against them and exterminated them. This is how the power of the
Moqaddams was counterbalanced and the Patriarch's ancient authority
and sovereignty were maintained.
Relations with the Holy See
The organization of the Maronites
would neither have been sustained nor have survived during the
Mamluk and Ottoman centuries had it not been supported by allied
forces which prevented its suffocation and asphyxiation and
eliminated some of the obstacles in the way of its expansion and
development.
The force that maintained the
Maronite vigor is without doubt the Apostolic See. The Maronite
Church has had the historic opportunity to stay in union with the
Church of Rome since the Council of Chalcedon (451 A.D.) To this
day, the relationship between the Maronites and the Holy See has
never been broken. Whenever circumstances required, the Maronite
Church did not hesitate to resort to the Church of Rome. It did so
through all its difficulties and pains, its mistakes and wounds, its
greatness and misery.
Eliano stated: "All [the Maronites]
recognize that the Roman Pontiff is the Chief of the Christian
Church, to whom they have vowed obedience for the past 370 years
since 1215, and adhere to all the Brevets and Bulls sent by the
various Popes to the various Patriarchs. Thanks to the occasional
dispatch of ambassadors, they have preserved this union… All [The
Maronites] without exception hold affection for the Holy Apostolic
See and the College of Cardinals and do not speak of them but with
great reverence…. Due to the passage of time and their interaction
with other nations and sects incompatible to their own faith, some
errors have crept into their books, rituals and offices due mostly
to the lack of educational guidance and not to their lack of
readiness to accept the teachings of the Roman Church. A citation of
these claimed abuses and errors will be presented to the Apostolic
Holy See…. However, these errors and others which we have found in
their books do not indict their true faith. These books were being
copied without any concern." (Cheikho 1923: 29)
According to Father Louis Cheikho,
Eliano sought in another place to excuse the Maronites by explaining
that these abuses and errors infiltrated their books and manuscripts
through the effect of time and copyists and to their continued
proximity to infidels and heretics. Cheikho quotes Eliano as saying
"however if you ask them about their faith, they answer that their
faith is that of Rome." (Cheikho 1923: 29).
The Maronites of today accept
without any complication this reasoning, because they consider that
the will of unity with Rome overcomes any ritual or even doctrinal
differences. Since the Council of Chalcedon in 451 – that is, since
the Maronite appearance in history as a community and until the time
of the Crusaders and the Mamluks, with all the injustice and cruelty
of the latter, Maronite relations with the West have never been
broken. Even under the Ottoman Empire, their relations were
consolidated, confirmed and fortified.
The Lebanese in general and the
Maronites in particular enjoyed the care of the Apostolic See and
the protection of Western Christian countries, which reduced the
influence of the Ottoman Empire and elevated the morale of the
Lebanese and their governors. Emir Fakhreddin had become a danger to
the Empire because of his Western friendships, notably with the
Popes of Rome, the Princes of Tuscany and Venice and the kings of
France, which friendship was due partly to the Maronites.
It is noteworthy to name some of
the great achievements, which because of these interactions between
Rome, the West and the East, changed the face of our history. First
and above all was the exchange of delegations; and second, the
spiritual and cultural missions which established a bridge between
East and West, with Lebanon as its cradle. These two factors aided
our passage from the Middle Ages to a modern and contemporary age –
from decadence to prosperity and from an era of hand copying and a
scarcity and monopoly of others over books and science, to that of
publishing and the dissemination of books and knowledge. This
occurred with the installation of a printing press at the Monastery
of Saint Anthony of Qozhaya, which was brought to Lebanon toward the
end of the XVI century, 212 years before Napoleon brought his to
Egypt in 1798.
This passage from an era of
ignorance and improvisation to that of serious and planned science,
was founded on the critique of texts and on a profound knowledge of
languages, which enabled the translation of writings from different
civilizations, such as Syriac, Hebrew, Latin and Greek. The alumni
of the Maronite College of Rome, created in 1584, radiated their
presence in both the East and the West. Some even directly
contributed to the progress of science in the West; others greatly
influenced the renaissance of the East by creating schools, building
churches and monasteries, teaching languages and collecting
manuscripts for printing and distribution. This two-way current,
going from East to West and from West to East, has confirmed the
ties, reduced distances and mingled cultures and civilizations.
In short, these relations have
opened doors for the West -- in the progress of its civilization,
sciences and technology, in the development and enrichment of its
languages and literatures. Mutually, it permitted the East to awaken
and to engage itself in the scientific and technological
renaissance. Without doubt, the alumni of the Maronite College of
Rome played a significant role in the renewal of the Maronite
Nation, in the awakening of the East and in the consolidation of
ties between the Eastern Churches and Rome.
Doctrine and Rites
This title merits a fully detailed
study. Eliano himself who, in his document presented no more than a
very succinct outline on the subject, devoted three separate
notebooks to it. These notebooks were published by the Discalced
Carmelite Diego Sanchyez d'Avilla, better known under his religious
name Thomas of Jesus (1568-1626), in his work De Propaganda Salute
Omnium Gentium, published in Anvers in 1613. (Feghali 1962: 50)
However, it is necessary to note
that the Patriarch Michel Rizzi (1581-1597), as soon as he knew
about the private notebooks that Eliano had presented to the Pope,
refuted them and insisted that the same Pope send a second
delegation. His wish was granted in 1596 with the dispatching of
Father Jérôme Dandini.
In his report written in 1596,
Dandini enumerated the reasons why the Patriarch refuted Eliano's
claims. He stated that "the Patriarch began by criticizing the
Council (gathered by Eliano in 1580), where the envoys of the Pope
requested from the Maronite Patriarch and bishops a blank sealed
paper [blanc-seing], which they promised to fill with all the good
and useful things about the nation. Confident that this promise
would be kept, all the bishops hastened to comply by appending their
signatures to the paper. But after leaving the country and returning
to Tripoli, the delegates utilized the signed but blank sealed paper
to inscribe a number of errors and grave heresies. Without talking
to any of the bishops and without leaving them a copy, the two
envoys returned to Rome and slandered the Maronites before the Pope
and the Cardinals, by attributing to them errors they never
committed. I was astonished at first, [continued Dandini] and I
suspected the truth. Since this account has been confirmed, in all
sincerity and innocence, by a Reverend Patriarch and also supported
by his assistants, I dare not doubt it." (Dandini 1656: 58)
In any case, this abuse of
confidence and these remarks merit a separate study. However, in
reading it carefully, we can say that the majority of the claims
made were of a ritual nature and prove how jealous the Maronites
were of their Eastern traditions. (Feghali 1962: 50-71)
IV. THE MARONITE CIVIL
ORGANIZATION
From reading the two documents, and
from referring to the study of Dr. Kamal S. Salibi about this
period, we can conclude that the Maronites always aimed at realizing
two objectives: to escape the dhimmi status in the Islamic world and
to establish autonomy inside their country and enjoy free and
reciprocal cooperation with their neighbors and allies, whether
inside or outside their country.
The Maronites, in fact, succeeded
at achieving these two objectives, especially with the two
princedoms -- the 'Assafs and the Maanis. With the 'Assafs, they
concluded their first alliance, which consisted of two Lebanese
communities -- Christian and Muslim – participating in one power.
This was realized thanks to including under one local unique
authority, that of Emir Mansour 'Assaf Al-Turkomani and, for the
first time, the Maronite, Sunni and Shiite regions. With the defeat
of the 'Assafs, the Maronites concluded a second alliance with the
Druze Maanis in the person of Emir Fakhreddin. Aided by the
Maronites, Fakhreddin was able to overcome his adversaries in the
war that lasted from 1584 to 1591.
A. The First Alliance:
Christian-Muslim
Emir Mansour Al-'Assaf
Eliano wrote in his report: "The
Maronite people are today under the rule of the Turks (Sultan Mourad
II, 1574-1595) but not in an direct way; they are governed by a lord
from the Arab Princes, one of those remaining from the Mamluk era,
his name is Mansour. The Turkish State has entrusted him with all
the Maronite villages [from which] to collect taxes imposed by the
Sultan." (Anaissi 1921: 57)
Mansour was Prince Mansour 'Assaf
Al-Turkomani, to whom the Turks entrusted the administration of the
regions of Kesrouan and Jbeil to 'Akkar in the north and to Hama in
Syria in the east. He governed from 1523 to 1580. The 'Assafs were
not descendants of the Mamluks, as incorrectly affirmed by Eliano.
They were Turkomans who were brought to Lebanon by the Mamluks to
guard the coasts and to prevent contact between the Maronites and
the Crusaders. They were successful in imposing their traditional
leadership in the country. When the Ottoman conquest was
established, Sultan Selim I accorded them the privileges of
first-class citizens.
The 'Assafs reduced their own
tariffs which were added to the taxes they collected for the Sublime
Porte. This allowed the Maronite regions that were under their
authority to prosper. Kesrouan became the most prosperous region,
which led the Maronites to leave the north to settle in Kesrouan.
The 'Assafs encouraged the implantation of the Maronites in their
regions, because the Maronites were loyal, humble peasants who
worked for the development of the country without creating problems
for the regime. This was the reason the 'Assafs abandoned the
Shiites and surrounded themselves with Maronite assistants and
managers. (Salibi 1973: 23)
Sheikh Youssef Hobaïch
Eliano wrote: "To this Arab lord
was associated a Maronite Prince named Youssef, who served him as
his majordomo and principal advisor and was, to a certain extent,
the protector of his people. Also, he wanted to have his share in
the taxes and the imposts. To this end, all the people, including
the Patriarch and the bishops, were placed under extortion and duty
of the two." (Kuri 1989: 180-187; Anaissi 1921: 56-61)
Eliano continued by saying that he
personally witnessed that portion of the funds sent by His Holiness
the Pope to the Patriarch as alms being carried off by someone,
the-above mentioned Youssef. (Kuri 1989: 180-187; Anaissi 1921:
56-61)
This Youssef in question was
Youssef Hobaïch, a Maronite from Yanouh, in the District of Mnaïtra.
He had already been installed since the Ottoman occupation as a
local chief of the Assaf government in Ghazir. His sons and nephews
also put themselves under the service of the Emirs, and Prince
Mansour resorted to them in liquidating his enemies and his
opponents.
This is how the Hobaïch [family]
became one of the most powerful families in the region. Thanks to
the Hobaïch family, the 'Assafs secured very strong relations with
the Maronites. Aided by the Hobaïch, Emir Mansour succeeded in
dominating the region entrusted to his governance. His power
extended to the region of Tripoli, except its city [the town of
Tripoli] and the city of Beirut. On their part, the Maronites saw
the Emir as their friend and protector. This was when the Maronites
recognized the leadership of the Hobaïch, because they practiced a
new genre of government, which was not religious and priestly like
that of the Patriarch, nor narrow and local like that of the
Moqaddams. There was no emulation or competition between them and
the Patriarch, but rather a complementarity [a complementary
relationship] : they were proud of their church and jealous in
protecting its rights and interests. They protected it [the Church]
against injustices of the governments of Tripoli and supported it
against the Moqaddams of Bsharri, who did not cease bothering it.
Their influence with the Maronites was due to their closeness to the
government of the 'Assafs and to their devotion in the service of
the Church and the community.
"This mutual confidence between the
'Assafs and the Hobaïch on the powers that they had in their regions
permitted the Hobaïch to become great experts in the affairs of the
country, both foreign and domestic affairs. They created and
developed close ties with other powers and representatives from all
the regions relevant to the authority of the 'Assafs, as well as
with leaders of neighboring regions. They put all their expertise
and potential in the service of the Church and their co-religionists
with no other consideration." (Salibi 1973: 25)
The Reasons for the Success of
the First Christian-Islamic Pact
The explanation of this obscure
point in history is due to the diligence of Dr. Kamal Salibi, who
attributed the success of the concluded pact between the Maronite
Christians and the Muslim 'Assafs to the 'Assafs conception of power
and its agreement with the aspirations of the Maronites.
Salibi states that the Assafs
government style did not resemble that which the Maronites had known
under the governors of Tripoli and, after them, the Walis
(Governors) and their representatives of the Ottoman authorities who
governed according to the Islamic Law, which in turn was based on
the interests of Islam and the Muslims. However, the "Assafs, who
were Sunni Muslims, governed according to feudal usage, customs and
local traditions, which were very different from Islamic Law. Their
interests as Emirs were regional and had nothing in common with
religious fanaticism. This permitted the Maronites to become an
effective factor in the 'Assaf Emirate. This is when the interests
of the Maronites converged with those of the 'Assafs, which have
through time favored the creation of solid ties and a shared vision
between the two parties. This fact pleased neither the Muslims nor
the Ottoman representatives in Tripoli and Damascus. They suspected
the 'Assafs and tried to create competitors for them in the region,
even in Tripoli. Their choice landed on Youssef Saïfa Al-Turkomani,
the great leader of 'Akkar, who they relied on and backed. (Salibi
1973: 25)
Even before Emir Fakhreddin took
over power and unified the Druze Emirate in the Shouf, the 'Assafs
were defeated and exterminated to the last descendant with the death
on the Batroun road of Emir Mohammed, son of Emir Mansour. Their
allies from the Hobaïch family were dispersed and those not killed
fled to the Druze regions.
B. The Second Christian-Druze
Pact: The Maronites and the Emir Fakhreddin
In his report Eliano wrote: "Due to
the tariffs and to escape forced labor, many of them [the Maronites]
left their own villages and settled among certain neighboring people
called the Druze, who were men of war, belligerent and enemies of
the Turks, however allied with the Arab Lord [Emir Mansour 'Assaf].
These Druze are known for their secret religion, but if we believe
the Maronites, those who live among them [the Druze] end up taking
quite a bit of their natural goodness…. Among the villages inhabited
by these people there are five or six in which a group of the
inhabitants are baptized Christians and who partake of all the
sacraments and pay all rights to the Patriarch on one hand and on
the other hand, like the Muslims, wear the white turban, go to their
mosques, and if they are discovered, profess that they are Muslims."
(Anaissi 1921: 58)
This small paragraph in Eliano's
report, written without doubt in 1579, is but a reflection of the
significant exodus of the Maronites toward the southern region,
which began after the dispersion of the Shiites by the Mamluk in
1305 and was consolidated by the accession of the Maans, especially
Emir Qorqomaz in 1544 and his son Fakhreddin II Senior in 1584.
As soon as Fakhreddin annexed the
Gharb, the Metn and the Jurd districts, in addition to the Shouf,
the exodus of the Maronites intensified, encouraged by the Emir in
order to reinforce his partisans. He therefore profited from the
presence, courage and openness of the Maronites toward all his
economic, political and social plans to realize his great project --
independence from the Ottoman Empire.
A profound understanding and total
allegiance was born and developed between the Maronites and Emir
Fakhreddin, based on common interests and reciprocal respect. Kamal
Salibi describes this relationship as follows: "The allegiance of
the Maronites and Emir Fakhreddin and the care which he gave them
were based on the most sure of all foundations and the most durable
of all forms of union and allegiance -- common interest." (Salibi
1973: 26-27)
V. CONCLUSION
With Emir Fakhreddin, as with the 'Assafs,
the Maronites tried again to contribute to the foundation of a
country which could guarantee them, as to all its citizens, dignity
and freedom. With Emir Fakhreddin, thanks to their sacrifices and
their tenacious perseverance, they succeeded in sealing the triangle
of interests between the West, the Lebanese Emirate and the Maronite
Nation -- a triangle whose efficacy gave birth to modern Lebanon.
Since Fakhreddin and to this moment
in history, the Maronites multiply their efforts and endeavors,
anxious to build the country which can guarantee all its citizens
full freedom and openness to new and modern human horizons.
In his appeal addressed to the
Christians of Lebanon, testifying to a great respect for differences
and soliciting them to surmount all forms of hatred, Pope John Paul
II reminded them that the Maronites, loyal to their profound nature,
will always forgive in order to build a Lebanon equal to the level
of its spirituality, humanity and mission.
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